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Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, by Franz L. Neumann

By Franz L. Neumann

Franz Neumann's vintage account of the governmental workings of Nazi Germany, first released in 1942, is reprinted in a brand new paperback variation with an advent by way of the celebrated historian Peter Hayes. Neumann used to be one of many merely early Frankfurt university thinkers to check heavily the matter of political associations. After the increase of the Nazis to strength, his emphasis shifted to an research of monetary energy, after which after the warfare to political psychology. yet his contributions in Behemoth have been groundbreaking: that the Nazi association of society concerned the cave in of conventional principles of the kingdom, of ideology, of legislation, or even of any underlying rationality. The booklet needs to be studied, no longer easily learn, Raul Hilberg wrote. the main skilled researchers will let us know that the scarcest commodity in educational lifestyles is an unique concept. If anyone has or 3, he's wealthy. Franz Neumann used to be a wealthy guy. released in organization with the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum.

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Extra resources for Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933-1944

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T h e transform ation of the b u ­ reaucracy set in w hen the nobility itself began to participate exten­ sively in capitalist enterprise. In a th o ro ug h -g oing purge, P u ttk am er dismissed the ‘unreliable’ elements (including even liberals). T h e civil service became a closed caste, and the cam paign to inject a spirit of thorough conservatism was as successful as in th e arm y. * Puttkamer brought still another weapon into the fight against socialism. * Bureaucracy and religion together, or rather the secular and clerical bureaucracies, became the primary agencies against socialism.

Frederick William I here established his authority like a rocher de bronze . . and here my grandfather again put the royal crown on his head by his own right, definitely stressing once again that it was granted to him by God’s Grace alone and not by parliaments, popular assemblies, and popular decision, and that, 8 INTRODUCTION therefore, he considered himself a selected instrum ent of Heaven . . Considering myself an instrum ent of the L ord, I go my way . . T he innumerable jokes and cartoons that appeared deriding this particular restatement of the th eory leave little d o u b t th at no po­ litical party took it seriously except the Conservatives, and they only to the extent that the em peror identified himself w ith their class interests.

11 Al­ though it was consummated without the knowledge of Ebert’s party or even of his closest collaborators, this understanding was in full accord with the Social Democratic party’s policy. It cov­ ered two points: one negative, the fight against bolshevism; the other positive, the early convening of a national assembly. 1. Nothing was said in the Hindenburg-Ebert agreement about the social structure of the new democracy. That was covered by 12 INTRODUCTION the Stinnes-Legien agreem ent of 15 N o vem b er 1918, establishing a central w orking com m ittee betw een em ployers and employees.

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